In the weeks leading up to the 2024 US presidential election, Americans and many around the world invested hope that former-president and now President-elect Donald Trump would grind America’s wars abroad to a halt and instead invest in the United States itself.
Like in Trump’s first term, different factions are set to compete to influence the Republican’s foreign policy. More traditionally minded allies such as Mike Pompeo, the former secretary of state now in contention to lead the Pentagon, are likely to push for a settlement that doesn’t appear to give a major win to Moscow. Other advisers, particularly Richard Grenell, a top candidate to lead the State Department or serve as national-security adviser, could give priority to Trump’s desire to end the war as soon as possible, even if it means forcing Kyiv into significant concessions.
Throughout the three-day course, we’ve looked at the strategic, operational and tactical levels. We’ve looked at the operational framework in which both nations work. Some of the considerations that we have to work together with. We’ve looked at media programs and media talent and preparing that talent and facilitating media embed programs. And we also unpacked and looked at photography workshop as well, where we’ve been able to have lots of fun looking at the kits and the tools, and taking some photography and vision in order to amplify key messages into the region.
‘The workshop got our nations on one page to deliver the right information and messages that we want to convey across the globe.’
Embedded journalism:
The original purpose of embedding was to control journalists, according to Helen Benedict, a professor at the Columbia Journalism School. Citing award-winning Australian journalist Phillip Knightley’s book “The First Casualty: The War Correspondent as Hero and Myth-Maker from the Crimea to Iraq” which describes how the U.S. government invented embedded journalism in response to critical coverage of the Vietnam War. As civilian casualties in Afghanistan reached 5,000, the Pentagon sought a media strategy that would bring attention back to the military’s role in the war, especially the role played by ordinary American service members. This would require bringing war correspondents on side.
This marks the third death related to the Gaza Pier mission. Just days before Sgt. Quandarius Davon Stanley’s passing, Norfolk’s Marine Hydraulics International (MHI) reported thattwo shipworkers diedaboard the USNS 2nd Lt. John P. Bobo, a Military Sealift Command ship undergoing repairs in connection with the Gaza aid mission, was the site of a tragic accident during maintenance. The workers’ identities have not been released. The vessel had previously been dispatched to support the pier mission but was diverted to the shipyard after its engine room caught fire en route to Gaza in April.
While serving in the Ministry of External Relations, Amorim spent large amounts of time working as an ambassador to the United Nations. Most notably, he represented Brazil on the Kosovo–Yugoslavia sanctions committee in 1998, and the Security Council panel on Iraq in 1999. Amorim was named as Brazil’s permanent ambassador to the United Nations and the WTO later that year, and served for two years before becoming ambassador to the United Kingdom in 2001.
In recent weeks, a number of shifts in relations have taken place in far apart regions that continue to highlight that the world is not aligning America’s way.
The president of Brazil, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, has reportedly informed his international interlocutors that the country will oppose Venezuela’s entry into the BRICS. The newspaper “G1” reported this, pointing out that this “possible veto” would represent a further sign of distancing between Lula and the Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro, a relationship which, according to sources at the newspaper, “has been frozen for some time now”.
Lula is definitely compromised! As for UNSC reforms, I’m pretty sure that it’s about China and Russia.
Virtually forgotten due to the discourse of Ukrainian unity and the general lack of interest in analyzing the nuances of events, the racial and class question is going virtually unnoticed in this war. If the Donbass conflict had a proletarian aspect that the press mocked in the first weeks of the DPR due to those Soviet-looking press conferences of workers and academics, in the current context, there have not even been any such comments. Presented as a war of national liberation, no aspect other than nationalism has deserved much mention in the Western press or in academia. Volodymyr Ishchenko and Ilya Matveev, who have sought to study the class aspect in the outbreak of the conflict, are the rare exception. To Ischenko’s surprise, RFE/RL published an article last September that dealt, albeit in generalities and without great depth, with the increase in inequality that war implies, an aspect that is, on the other hand, perfectly evident. “As the war drags on, the gaps in Ukrainian society are widening,” the American media headlines.
Ms. Cat’s Chronicles 
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