Daniel Guérin: Fascism and Big Business

The following article is an excerpt from Daniel Guerin’s book on Fascism, the English translation of which is soon to be released by Pioneer Publishers. It is a study of the roots and destiny of Fascism, at once so factual and so thoroughly Marxist in its approach, that no apology for giving it the widest possible publicity is necessary. – EDITORS.

Daniel Guérin: Fascism and Big Business (October 1938)

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PDF: Fascism and Big Business by Daniel Guerin

Beyond the Barriers: Security and Segregation in Gaza

While listening to an interview with David Petraeus on Iran International (run by Iranian opposition), I was struck by his mention of the “gated communities” concept for post-war Gaza (17:37). As the former commander of Multi-National Force – Iraq during the Iraq War, Petraeus oversaw various security strategies, including the implementation of walled-off neighborhoods designed to control movement and reduce violence. However, it appears that the U.S. military ultimately abandoned the idea, likely due to growing resistance from Iraqis, who viewed the barriers not as security measures but as a form of forced isolation.

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National Archivist Sanitized US Museum

Historians and other critics are responding with fierce condemnation to this week’s Wall Street Journal reporting that “U.S. Archivist Colleen Shogan and her top advisers at the National Archives and Records Administration, which operates a popular museum on the National Mall, have sought to de-emphasize negative parts of U.S. history.”

‘Obeying Fascism in Advance,’ National Archivist Sanitized US Museum

The Postwar Vision That Sees Gaza Sliced Into Concentration Camps

The Postwar Vision That Sees Gaza Sliced Into Security Zones

A plan that is gaining currency in the government and military envisions creating geographical “islands” or “bubbles” where Palestinians who are unconnected to Hamas can live in temporary shelter while the Israeli military mops up remaining insurgents. 

Other members of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party are backing another, security-focused plan that seeks to slice up Gaza with two corridors running across its width and a fortified perimeter that would allow Israel’s military to mount raids when it deems them necessary. 

The ideas come from informal groups of retired army and intelligence officers, think tanks, academics and politicians, as well as internal discussions inside the military. While Israel’s political leadership has said almost nothing about how the Gaza Strip will look and be governed after the heaviest fighting ends, these groups have been working on detailed plans that offer a glimpse of how Israel is thinking about what it calls the Day After. 

The plans—whether or not they get adopted in full—reveal hard realities about the aftermath that rarely get voiced. Among them, that Palestinian civilians could be confined indefinitely to smaller areas of the Gaza Strip while fighting continues outside, and that Israel’s army could be forced to remain deeply involved in the enclave for years until Hamas is marginalized.

According to people familiar with the effort, it aims to work with local Palestinians who are unaffiliated with Hamas to set up isolated zones in northern Gaza. Palestinians in areas where Israel believes Hamas no longer holds sway would distribute aid and take on civic duties. Eventually, a coalition of U.S. and Arab states would manage the process, these people said. 

Ziv, who oversaw Israel’s exit from Gaza in 2005, proposes that Palestinians who are ready to denounce Hamas could register to live in fenced-off geographic islands located next to their neighborhoods and guarded by the Israeli military. This would entitle them to reconstruction of their homes. 

The process would be gradual, and in the longer term, Ziv envisages bringing the West Bank-based Palestinian Authority back to Gaza as a political solution, with the whole process taking roughly five years as the military fights Hamas insurgents. Under his plan, Hamas could be part of Gaza’s administration, if it frees all the hostages held there and disarms, becoming purely a political movement.

Northern Gaza, under the plan, would remain without reconstruction, and Palestinians there wouldn’t be allowed back to their homes until Hamas’s miles-long tunnel network was destroyed. Like the bubbles plan, it promotes the notion of de-escalation zones where aid can be delivered by the Israeli military or by international forces, but stops short of articulating an idea for governance. 

Another plan published by the Washington-based Wilson Center* also advocates a coalition-style approach to the conflict but refrains from calling for Israel to consider the adoption of a Palestinian state. It says the U.S. should establish an international police force to manage security in Gaza and over time hand the job to a yet-to-be-defined Palestinian administration. 

Robert Silverman**, a former U.S. diplomat in Iraq who is a co-author, said his team discussed the plan with Israeli officials for months, even changing parts of the proposal to make it more agreeable to Israel’s war objectives and political dynamics, but it stalled with the prime minister’s office.

“He believes we finish the war first and then plan the postwar,” Silverman said of Netanyahu. “All the people who have done this before say that’s a huge mistake.”

Another document, drafted by Israeli academics, that has made its way to the prime minister’s desk draws on historical precedents in rebuilding the war zones in Germany and Japan after World War II, and more recently in Iraq and Afghanistan. It considers how to tackle Hamas’s Islamist doctrine by learning from the defeat of ideologies such as Nazism and that of Islamic State. 

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Strategic Hamlet Program

The Strategic Hamlet Program (SHP; Vietnamese: Ấp Chiến lược) was a plan by the government of South Vietnam in conjunction with the US government and ARPA during the Vietnam War to combat the communist insurgency by pacifying the countryside and reducing the influence of the communists among the rural population through the creation of concentration camps.

The Strategic Hamlet Program was unsuccessful, failing to stop the insurgency or gain support for the government from rural Vietnamese, it alienated many and helped contribute to the growth in influence of the Viet Cong. After President Ngo Dinh Diem was overthrown in a coup in November 1963, the program was cancelled. Peasants moved back into their old homes or sought refuge from the war in the cities. The failure of the Strategic Hamlet and other counterinsurgency and pacification programs were causes that led the United States to decide to intervene in South Vietnam with air strikes and ground troops.

The *Wilson Center plan isn’t much better. 👇🏻

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How Czech President And Former General Petr Pavel Succumbed To Nazi Ideas Against Russians

“I can feel sorry for these people, but at the same time, when you look back, when World War II started, the entire Japanese population living in the United States was also under strict surveillance,” Pavel said. That the internment of the Japanese is considered, in the words of US President Joe Biden, “one of the most shameful periods in American history”, Petr Pavel does not seem bothered. Besides the fact that Czechs are familiar with Nazi camps, the Terezin Ghetto in the Czech Republic was one of the largest Nazi concentration camps in Europe during World War II.

How Czech President And Former General Petr Pavel Succumbed To Nazi Ideas Against Russians

Related:

Czech President Says Russians in the West Should Be ‘Monitored’ Like Japanese Were in the US During WWII

How about we round up the psychopathic warmongers and put them in internment camps?!

The New York Times and the use of Nazi imagery by Ukrainian troops

This article was originally posted as a thread on Twitter.

The New York Times palms off the deep historical and present-day links of Ukrainian nationalism to Nazism and genocide as merely “thorny issues,” i.e., a public relations problem for media propagandists, who are trying to sell NATO’s proxy war as a struggle for democracy.

The New York Times and the use of Nazi imagery by Ukrainian troops

Related:

Nazi Symbols on Ukraine’s Front Lines Highlight Thorny Issues of History (archived)