The US and other Western nations have compared the bill to a similar law enacted by Russia in 2012. The Russian law was part of Moscow’s response to the US government funding NGOs and opposition parties.
An interview with Estela Aranha, who forced Michael Shellenberger to apologize after exposing his manipulation of data to build a false narrative about “totalitarian” Brazil
By Brian Mier
On April 3, Michael Shellenberger tweeted a series of excerpts from emails by X executives dubbed, “Twitter Files Brazil”, which alleged to expose crimes by Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes. Moraes, he claimed, had pressed criminal charges against Twitter Brasil’s lawyer for its refusal to turn over personal information on political enemies. Elon Musk quickly shared the tweets and they viralized and were embraced by the international far right, to the joy of former President Bolsonaro and his supporters. A week later, Estela Aranha, former Secretary of Digital Rights in the Brazilian Justice Ministry, revealed rot at the heart of Shellenberger’s narrative. The only criminal charge filed against Twitter Brazil referenced in the leaked emails was made by the São Paulo District Attorney’s Office, after the company refused to turn over personal data on a leader of Brazil’s largest cocaine trafficking organization, the PCC. Shellenberger had cut the section of an email about a São Paulo criminal investigation and mixed it with communications complaining about Moraes on unrelated issues. Pressed by Brazilian reporters, Shellenberger wrote, “I regret my my mistake and apologize for it. I don’t have evidence that Moraes threatened to file criminal charges against Twitter’s Brazilian lawyer.”
The document specifies that the US regime does not authorize “any transactions involving any financial institution blocked pursuant to Executive Order (E.O.) 13850 other than Banco Central de Venezuela or Banco de Venezuela SA Banco Universal.”
As a second prohibition, it further indicates that “the provision of goods or services to, or new investment in, an entity located in Venezuela that is owned or controlled by, or a joint venture with, an entity located in the Russian Federation,” is also forbidden, thus keeping the same provision that existed in the revoked license against Russia.
Outside parliament on Monday, protesters chanted slogans against what they called “the Russian law”, and shouted “Russians! Russians!” at police and ruling party MPs.
Inside the chamber, opposition MP Aleko Elisashvili was shown on television punching Mamuka Mdinaradze, faction leader of Georgian Dream, as he spoke from the despatch box.
Protesters against the bill told Reuters that they saw Georgia’s future membership of the EU, which is overwhelmingly popular in the country of 3.7 million, as being on the line.
“I don’t like that the government is trying to suppress NGOs and put some labels on them as if they are foreign agents,” said Luka Tsulaia, a 32-year-old computer programmer.
“It’s about maintaining independence and also maintaining the laws so that we can integrate with the European Union better.”
The Eastern European Centre for Multiparty Democracy (EECMD), with the financial support of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), carries out a new project, “Democracy Needs Democrats: Strengthening Political Parties and Movements”.
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The EECMD will work with four political parties/movements – “Aleko Elisashvili – Citizens,” “For Justice,” “Lelo for Georgia,” and “Shame Movement” – to advance the results of the previous project and implement the sections of the action plans developed through the strategic planning process.
Levan Ioseliani represents the Civil Movement, an NGO established by himself and Alexander (Aleko) Elisashvili.
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After Aleko’s results, we held meetings in Brussels, where EED [European Endowment For Democracy] took an interest in financing a movement that would advocate civil ideas and would help new people get involved in the politics. Our second donor is NED [National Endowment for Democracy]. We established the Civil Movement with Alexander Elisashvili.
This won’t be the end of it. Elections are coming up in October.
As Congress debates major new funding to support the Ukrainian war effort, U.S. taxpayer dollars are already flowing to outlets such as the New Voice of Ukraine, VoxUkraine, Detector Media, the Institute of Mass Information, the Public Broadcasting Company of Ukraine and many others. Some of this money has come from the $44.1 billion in civilian-needs foreign aid committed to Ukraine. While the funding is officially billed as an ambitious program to develop high-quality independent news programs; counter malign Russian influence; and modernize Ukraine’s archaic media laws, the new sites in many cases have promoted aggressive messages that stray from traditional journalistic practices to promote the Ukrainian government’s official positions and delegitimize its critics.
This claim that Azerbaijan is establishing itself under the autocractic influence of Russia explains most of the perception managing narrative presented via the media lately.
For the past year, I have been working with and advising the Armenian government on their efforts to strengthen their democracy and promote peace in the South Caucasus. This is something I believe deeply in. That is why I launched the independent Friends of Armenia Network – a high-level group that includes former prime ministers, European commissioners, ministers, and sitting parliamentarians. In a report published on March 27, we proposed a detailed approach that the European Union should take to help make Armenia’s Western, democratic trajectory irreversible.
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